Monday, September 17, 2012

German-Indian new dynamics


Jan and Stephan with us at Varanasi.They are adventure tour with cause of water and women rights from Shillong to Meghalaya (http://www.rickshawrun.de/). They are supporting the PVCHR 
initiative for short stay for women survivors at Baghawanala,Varanasi(http://www.rickshawrun.de/?page_id=17&lang=en). Press also cover in Varanasi ( http://www.rickshawrun.de/?p=638)

Friday, September 14, 2012

RIP to Justice Mr. Rangnath Misra ji

Justice Ranganath Mishra ji, the first chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission(NHRC) of India and member of advisory board of PVCHR(http://www.scribd.com/doc/59035158/Justice-Shri-Rangnath-Mishra-meber-of-Advisory-Committe-PVCHR)left us today at about 7.45pm at Apollo Hospital, Bhubaneswar. He was under treatment for a long time. I pray for rest his soul in peace.

Justice Mishra was also a former Chairman of National Human Rights Commission, MP Rajya Sabha and also headed Misra Panel set up by UPA Government to look into the conditions of minorities.
Justice Mishra was born on November 25, 1926 at Banpur in Odisha, was as the 21st Chief Justice of India, serving from September 25, 1990 to November 24, 1991.

HE studied in Banpur High School,P.M. Academy and later, in Ravenshaw College and Allahabad University.On September 18, 1950 he got enrolled as advocate of Odisha High Court,Cuttack where he practiced law until 1969 when he was appointed as a Permanent Judge of the Odisha High Court.

From November 6, 1980 to January 16, 1981 he was appointed as the acting Chief Justice of Odisha High Court and from January 16 1981 he was appointed as the permanent Chief Justice of the Odisha High court. He was then appointed Judge of the Supreme Court in 1983. He became the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of India on September 25,1990 and retired on November 24, 1991.

He has served as the Chief Scout of the All India Boy Scouts Association since 1992.
Justice Shri Rangnath Mishra:meber of Advisory Committe-PVCHR

Monday, September 10, 2012

NHRC issued summon to District Magistrate, Varanasi for his personal appearance before the commission

Case Details of File Number: 4104/24/72/2012-BL
Diary Number874
Name of the ComplainantLENIN RAGHUVANSHI, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR
AddressPEOPLE'S VIGILANCE COMMITTEE ON HUMAN RIGHTS, SA 4/2 A, DAULATPUR,
VARANASI , UTTAR PRADESH
Name of the Victim56 BONDED LABOUR INCLUDING CHILDREN
AddressBILASPUR,
BILASPUR , CHHATTISGARH
Place of IncidentPS. CHAUBEPUR
VARANASI , UTTAR PRADESH
Date of Incident1/1/1991
Direction issued by the CommissionDespite sufficient time and opportunity having been given, the requisite report has not been received. In these circumstances, let summons be issued for the personal appearance of District Magistrate, Varanasi, U.P. before the Commission on 26.9.2012 at 3.00 P.M. along with the requisite report. In case the report is received on or before 17.9.2012, the personal appearance of District Magistrate, Varanasi, U.P. shall stand dispensed with.
Action TakenAdditional Information Called for (Dated 7/13/2012 )
Status on 9/10/2012Response from concerned authority is awaited.

Sunday, September 09, 2012

AN OPEN LETTER PRIME MINISTER OF INDIA

http://www.nl-aid.org/domain/ngo/an-open-letter-prime-minister-of-india/

India needs to bring electoral changes to mitigate ethnic- conflict

http://www.mynews.in/News/india_needs_to_bring_electoral_changes_to_mitigate_ethnic__conflict._N482973.html

Amit Singh, Independent researcher
evolutionyog@gmail.com


‘Diversity’ is the word describes India in its true sense. With diverse and huge population comes a peculiar ‘strong ethnic ties or ethnic divisions. Due to the linguistic and regional heterogeneity of the population, the constitutional system of the India was made partly federal. Indian political system which was centered on major language groups later suffered the tyranny of the majority and had to adapt to the very strong pressure of the larger language group.  After first post election, the electoral system was adapted to serve the interest of the majority populations of the Hindu. In such system, it was nearly impossible for Muslims to organize their own political parties and to get representation in legislatures (Vanhanen 2004). They were able to get representation through some major parties. In addition, tribal groups and the Dalits had faced same dilemma. They have constitutional safeguards, but, because of the British made/influenced electoral system, it has been difficult for them to get a representation in legislatures through their own parties except some minor development in recent political scenario. 

The Indian party system is more or less based on the caste system; political parties tend to support their ethnic affiliations thus creating an ‘ethnic rift’ in society. This rift in society often takes the forms of ethnic and communal conflict. Further aggravating the situation, parties take caste divisions into account while nominating candidates for elections, in particular, some parties nominate their own caste groups. This has resulted in the emergence of the regional parties formed on the basis of the ‘ethnic nepotism (Vanhanen 2004). Against this background, Caste and other ethnic interests becomes the principal catalyst in the Indian politics.  In response to this situation, Indian democratic institutional structure has evolved and is struggling hard to accommodate various ethnic and minority strivings.

Many aspects of the Indian political system  become adapted to the requirement of the ethnic groups, but not sufficiently in all matters and in all parts of the country, which indicates it has not been possible to solve all ethnic conflicts through democratic institutions, or that democratic institutions are not sufficiently adapted to the requirement of the ethnic rift (Ibid).  Example of the such failure are apparent in the ongoing ethnic conflict in the various parts of India; violent separatist movements of Muslims in Kashmir, naxalite movement in the different parts of the country; occasional communal violence between Hindu and Muslim and to a lesser degree with other religious groups (Christians and Sikh), too; territorial conflicts between language groups (Movement against Hindi in South India); and continual conflict between caste groups, particularly between Hindu and untouchables but also between the upper caste and the other backward castes (Ibid). Not to mention occasional outburst of Shiv Sena and Maharastra Navnirrman Sena against north Indians, runs the risk of dividing the people on the lines of the geographical regions.
Though India’s federal system is struggling to mitigate the ethnic conflict to some extent, however, militancy in Kashmir and seven sister’s states has remained as an unsolved problem.

In order to be more accommodative and conciliatory, Indian political system needs to be made more suitable to ethnic aspirations. The federal system can be strengthened and be made flexible. More autonomy can be extended to the various ethnic groups. The tribal state of Assam would need extensive forms of autonomy. In addition, there is a need to establish an autonomous territorial unit within states for tribal, linguistic, and religious minority. Along with it, electoral system needs to made proportional to the population of the ethnic groups; it could serve the needs of an ethnically heterogeneous society better than the present system. Ethnic conflicts cannot be completely eliminated; however, conflict can be mitigated by providing effective institutional canal for the expression of ethnic demands and competition (Lijphart 1996, Bachal 1997 cited in Vanhanen 2004). Electoral system by providing better representation, can bridge the increasing divide among various ethnic groups. In addition, more channels for the fearless  expression of the repressed ethnic and minority sentiments needs to be created, because only electing the political candidate do not often guarantees the desired development and progress of the ethnic community as have been seen in cases of  U.P. and Bihar.  Inherent conflict ingrained in Indian electoral system/democracy/society, if do not redress on time, India, sooner or later, runs the risk of disintegrating on the lines of ethnicity.
  
Reference

Vanhanen Tatu  2004, ‘Problems of Democracy in Ethnically Divided South Asian Countries’, paper presented at 18th European Conference on Modern South Asian Studies, Sweden. 

Saturday, September 08, 2012

An Open letter Prime Minister of India



The preamble of the Indian constitution read as, ‘WE THE PEOPLE OF INDIA’… further grand themes like JUSTICE, LIBERY AND EQUALITY of status has been highlighted with utmost care. Further ‘DIGNITY OF THE INDIVIDUAL’ has been asserted. The tone of the preamble sets the ethical and legal framework to create an atmosphere in the country where all human being can live with their realized potential and dignity. However, reality is appalling. Justice is elusive (inaccessible, long delays, corruption, political influence) to the majority of the downtrodden and untouchables. Liberty (freedom of expression) is at stake, such as: 

1. On 26th June, 2012 Ms. Shirin Shabana Khan, senior member of management committee of PVCHR posted in Odisha Watch an article published in Asia News.[i] This article includes the quotation of Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi on Kandhamal issues.  After more than a month three gentlemen (Mr. Saubhagya Panigrahi, Mr. Chinmaya Kumar Panda and Mr. Bahara Mihir Mohanty) from Odisha attacked on her religion identity.[ii]

2. Shruti Nagvanshi was struck down in the ground and villagers were beaten by Guddu Dubey, known for his links to the underworld in Ahirani Nathaipur, Block – Baragaon under Phulpur Jurisdiction, Varanasi.. After they complained that a social audit was being fabricated, and that many of their names were being misused. The audit was to look into the operation of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005 (MNREGA), which is operated by the Village Panchayat. We have also learned that although the office of the village head was reserved for a female candidate and was won by the wife of a local landlord, it is her husband who runs the village.

Lalji and Mr. Magala Rajbhar, an activist associated with the PVCHR, tried to intervene and keep the peace, but were beaten by Singh. The BDO called off the meeting and made moves to leave. When asked to call the police by two female PVCHR staff members (Ms. Shruti and her sister Ms. Anupam), he claimed that he would rather report it personally. Shruti requested that she and Lajli go with him and the three tried to leave, but a mob of upper caste men led by Singh reportedly surrounded the vehicle and demanded that Lalji get out. At this point Mishra allegedly pushed Lalji out of his vehicle, and Shruti followed, fearing for his safety. The two were beaten, and one man, Guddu Dubey, known for his links to the underworld, struck Shruti to the ground. Villagers were able to intervene and the two victims were taken to Phulpur Police Station to make a report.[iii]

3. Dr. Lenin Raghuvanshi was detained under Section 151 and released after four hours while the other three activists were charged under Sections 107/16 for the legal proceeding.  As on 8 August 2003, the children held a Child Parliament in front of the district headquarters and demanded a school in their area. On 26 August 2003, observed as tehsil diwas (day), 250 children walked 5 km from the Sant Kabir Jan Mitra Kendra to Pindra tehsil and submitted their demand to the SDM of Pindra. The SDM misbehaved with the children and ordered a lathi-charge on the children and the villagers.

Rajendra Tiwari, present village head of Belwa village, does not plan to open any school for the Musahars he engages as bonded labourers in his brick kiln factory. Even the BRC co-ordinator in his report stated that 211children were present in the brickfields and this ghetto was marginalised due to politically biased enmity.

In 2007 false charged imposed on Dr. Raghuvanshi and his colleagues under Section 505(b) were highlighted by NDTV in a special news report. It was aired in India, United Arab Emirates and the United Kingdom on 10 December 2010. As the national media wrote front-page editorials, the electronic media gave wide coverage to the issue by allotting prime time news coverage to these cases.[iv]

The state administration, meanwhile, haphazardly responded to the issue. Its response was in two different directions, unfortunately opposing each other. Once the appeals were issued, the administration immediately dispatched some of its senior most government officers to the remote villages to study the situation. In one such case, some of the top officers literally flew into Anei village at Varanasi in a helicopter. Anei is the village from which the Jigar case was reported. The officers, under the direction of the chief minister’s office, took immediate steps to ensure that there would be no further starvation deaths in the village. The officers made overnight arrangements to measure the land and even allotted land to the lower caste community in the village within hours.

Various political parties in the state picked up the issue of starvation and malnourishment. Rahul Gandhi, a Member of Parliament from Uttar Pradesh, came to know about the case of Mukesh from Jaunpur district and made arrangements for his treatment at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS). Mukesh was shifted to AIIMS and is now receiving treatment there. While this was going on, the chief minister appeared on television and gave a statement that the reports made by PVCHR and AHRC concerning starvation and deaths from malnutrition were false. Simultaneously, I started receiving threat calls on my mobile phone.

One Rajendra Tripathi has filed a complaint against him and his colleagues at the Phulpur police station making false allegations against PVCHR and myself. Tripathi, the head of Belwa village who is also the complainant in the case, is a person against whom I, in the past, as the member of the District Vigilance Committee against Bonded Labour, filed complaints, based on which there is a warrant of arrest issued by the magistrate’s court. The arrest order is pending against Tripathi. The FIR states that Tripathi himself reported at Phulpur police station along with his brother, and has given the First Information Statement.


To
Police Station Officer,
Phulpur, Varanasi
Sir
The applicant Mr Rajendra Prasad Tripathi, son of Raj Narayan Tripathi is a resident of Belwa village within the jurisdiction of Phulpur police station of Varanasi district. He is a peace loving person. In the applicant's village, now Dr Lenin Raghuvanshi, Ms Anupam Nagavanshi and Ms Shruti Nagavanshi of village Pandeypur and Daulatpur and Mr Prem Nut, son of Mahangu, Ms Kalawathi, wife of Sherbahadur of Belwa are running various NGOs – Jan Mitra Nyas (funding organisation), People’s Vigilance Committee on Human Rights, Sawitri Bai Phule Samiti, Bagath Singh Youth Singh Samiti, Voice of People, etc. They are giving fake assurances and attractions to the illiterate and poor people in the name of money, Anthyodaya Anna Yojana Card (AAY card), housing, pension, allotment of land and jobs and they are earning money. They have compelled the villagers into class conflict and are interfering in the village committee politics by agitating the villagers by provocative speeches. It is their work to gather against the administration and other respected people of the village and they regularly conduct gherao in the district head quarter and against other high officials.
The above people and their NGO’s work is to create class conflict and lawlessness. If legal action is not taken against the above people, the situation of conflict and disorder will be created. Sir, I urge you to take legal action against the above people so there could be peace in the village.
9 December 2007

Applicant
Mr Rajendra Prasad Tripathi
Village Belwa

The complaint reflects the worry of a Brahmin who finds his family’s thus far unchallenged domination upon the lower caste being challenged. The accused persons in the complaint also include members of the Dalit community. The mere fact that the complaint is false and made with malicious intention calls for action against the complainant under provisions of the Indian Penal Code, 1860 and also under the Scheduled Caste and the Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.

The allegations of ‘making promises’ are false. Free speech is a fundamental right in India, so is the freedom to associate. The registration of the crime based on this complaint will amount to registering a crime for exercising a person’s fundamental right guaranteed in the Constitution. This ground of the complaint has no legal basis whatsoever.

In spite of repeated reminders, the Phulpur police refused to produce anything in court. Even though the law mandates a report to be filed by the police in court within 48 hours, the police filed a report after 10 days informing the court that a crime has been registered. Meanwhile, the PVCHR activists against whom the crime was registered also appeared in court, informing it that they are present within the jurisdiction of the police and in public in case the police wanted them to be arrested. The police, however, refused to arrest them. Ironically, PVCHR has also been requested by the state police department to address their senior officers on human rights principles in a meeting organised by the state police department in Varanasi on 28 January 2008. In December 2007, the PVCHR staff and the chief minister of Uttar Pradesh even had a live discussion telecast regarding the issues of starvation and hunger of Dalits in the state.

In fact, in August 2005, PVCHR promoted a contest against the candidature of Tripathi as the village head in the local election. Tripathi immediately responded by ordering Ramasray Singh, a local criminal, to call the candidate S N Giri and me over telephone saying that he has been asked by Tripathi to kill both me and Giri for promoting a competition in the village election, which thus far was never contested. Against this, the AHRC issued an Urgent Appeal, which was responded to by three rapporteurs from the United Nations, who wrote to the Government of India to provide protection to Giri and me. The Election Commission of India also responded to the appeal by sending their representative to monitor the election and ordering the then District Magistrate to provide every security to Giri and also to the Dalit voters during the election. A criminal case was registered against Ramasray Singh and he was arrested. The District Magistrate also issued shoot-at-sight orders against the criminals sponsored by Tripathi, if they tried to prevent the Dalits from participating in the electoral process. Due to this, for the first time since Independence, the Dalits in Belwa exercised their right to vote.

4. Mangal Singh son of Ghasite resident of Vishal Nagar, district Mahoba of Uttar Pradesh. Mangal Singh, a farmer is fighting against the illegal mining & heavy blasting activities near town Kabrai Mahoba district, which has affected the residents of that areas. He has filed PIL in Honb’ High Court, Allahabad CIVIL MISC. WRIT PETITION NO 63396 OF 2009 that turned the stone crusher association against him. On which Mangal Singh sought security from Honb’ High Court. The Honb’ Court ordered but till now he did not get any security.

5. Ms.Rehana Adeeb, founder of ASTITWA (Action Social team for Women) Social Organization in Purkoji Street, District Muzaffarnager of Uttar Pradesh. Her organization starts having friendly relation with Muslims and dalits women and share their high and lows faces in their life and experience how they individually struggled in their life and run their families.


Astitwa is making effort with this aim and some people or some groupis strictly opposing it because they are in the fear of seat and they are playing politics in the name of religion and women. They are raising their voice and doing against Astitwa because they are feared of political game will be ruined. For example provoking with worker, forcefully taking money by entering in office, showing vulgar picture and mentioning it on the piece of paper to women worker, communicating on the mobile etc. several times it was complained in the police station but police respected people of the society unite for doing harassment. Administration entirely oppositely behaving with us “they are already in trouble and we also came to troubled them”. In this situation it is very challenging to work. Entire day she work in the field because her house is 90 Km far from my work place. It is very dangerous to sleep alone in the office. Female colleagues help her in day during her work but she is alone in the night.[iii]

6. Mr. Mahesanand, Secretary, Gramya Swaraj Samiti organized protest march from Dudhi tehsil to Robertsganj district header of Sonbhadra. In which five thousand tribal will cover 100 km starting from 10- 15 March on the resolution taken by villagers of Sundari on 15th January, 2011 after inauguration of Kanhar Dam. He faced threat from the local contractor, state and political parties.

7. When the world recognises and shows solidarity with the non violent protest of Irom Sharmila, that entered into the 10th year for demanding establishment of rule of law and repeal of AFSPA entirely from the State, the political system both in Delhi and Manipur get into the brass task to undermine the strength of non violence through their silence and ignorance. Her's is the longest protest for a social cause by any single individual anywhere in the world. Reacting to her hunger strike, and the public support across the globe, the frustrated Mr Okram Ibobi Singh, the Chief Minister told in the Manipur State Assembly that the State Government had to spend around Rs 147,000 in two years to keep Sharmila 'alive'. We are sure; the Britishers never said such thing against Gandhiji. Neither the security agencies, nor the political class have learned the meaning and experience of non violence, except using it as a debit card[v].

8. The reign of terror was such that even listening to Azad Jammu & Kashmir (AJK) Radio Station would lead to public beatings and incarceration. "There were lots of stories in our childhood about sending behind bars anyone caught murmuring signature tune of AJK radio-today many have put this as ring tone in their cell phones. Those days it was seditious to tune in any other radio station other than the Radio Kashmir. We heard stories about sleuths eavesdropping and people being cane charged and even fed with hot potatoes by dreaded cops for listening to AJK radio".[vi]

9. Police firing in Paramakudi area of Ramanathapuram District, Tamil Nadu, on 11September 2011, in which 6/7 persons died and several injured. Pursuant to the directions of the Commission to the DGP, Tamil Nadu, the SP, Ramanathapuram District, has sent his report dated 29.02.2012. As per this report, Crime No. 300/11 U/S 147/148/149/427/324/435/332/307 IPC and Section 3/4 of the TNPPDL Act, was registered at Town Police Station of Paramakudi on the incident in question. Vide Government Order dated 29.11.2011 the investigation of the case has since been transferred to the CBI. The report further says that the State Government has appointed a one man Commission of Inquiry, headed by Justice Shri Sampath, a retired Judge of the Madras High Court, to conduct an inquiry into the incident. The report is yet to come. The report further says that vide Government Order dated 29.11.2011, the State Government has announced relief of Rs.5 lakhs each to the NOK of the deceased persons. The Chief Secretary, Government of Tamil Nadu, is directed to inform the Commission of the status of the inquiry by the Inquiry Commission within four weeks. He should further forward to the Commission proof of payment of the announced relief to the NOK of the persons who died in the police firing. The Additional Director, CBI, Chennai, is also directed to inform the Commission of the current status in the case within four weeks.[vii]

Dr. B.R Ambedkar rightly says “Indian today are governed by two different ideologies. Their political ideal set in the preamble of the constitution affirms a life of liberty, equality and fraternity. Their social ideal embodied in their religion denies them”

Therefore it is an appeal to Government of India to assert the Liberty (Freedom of Expression) and to invite UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly to visit to India.

Thanking You
Sincerely Yours

Dr.Mahendra Pratap
President
Peoples’ Vigilance Committee on Human Rights
SA 4/2 A, Daulatpur, Varanasi, India-221002


Story of PVCHR advocacy published in Economist


Story of PVCHR advocacy published in Economist:

Yet traditions die hard in UP, malign ones especially. At the very time Akhilesh was speaking, a five-year-old girl, Soni, was breathing her last in Raitara, a dirt-poor hamlet 320 kilometres
(200 miles) to the south-east. She belonged to the Musahar, or rat-catcher, caste. The village school does not teach Musahar children, who work in brick factories most of the year. Musahar adults cannot get the temporary work that the government supposedly guarantees to all, and supplies of state-subsidized food are patchy. Soni died of malnutrition.

A lot rests on Akhilesh’s shoulders. With 200m people, UP is the world’s largest local-government unit. It is bigger than Brazil and contains more than 20% of India’s poorest people. Anyone who can dent poverty there would make a difference to global poverty statistics.

http://www.economist.com/node/21562253

Distress zones





COVER STORY

Distress zones


THE story of 19-year-old Moti Rajwar proves a stark example of the plight of the Indian migrant worker. Over the past five years, this young man belonging to a Mahadalit community has travelled from Bihar’s Khagariya district to the factories of Chennai and Sriperumbudur in Tamil Nadu and gone back to the agricultural fields of north India. At present, he is a farmhand working in the districts of Meerut, Baghpat and Muzzaffarnagar in the relatively better off region of western Uttar Pradesh.
“I have been working since the age of 14. There was no other choice for my family back home in Khagariya but to send me to work. I went south to Tamil Nadu and later came here because the pay is better in these places than what I would get in Bihar. Moreover, there is regular work in these parts. Now, my 16-year-old brother and many others from Bihar have joined me,” Rajwar told Frontline.
However, what Rajwar and his relatives and friends from Bihar represent is only one part of the story of migration to Uttar Pradesh. For the migrant workers from Bihar, the eastern districts of Uttar Pradesh, which is geographically contiguous with Bihar, should have been the first stop. But none of them has stopped there for work, even during transit.
“We go straight to Delhi, western Uttar Pradesh, Maharashtra, Karnataka or Tamil Nadu,” says Rajwar. Within Uttar Pradesh, the most attractive region is its western districts, which have higher socio-economic indices and are perceived to be more prosperous than other parts of the State. There is also a good demand for skilled and unskilled workers in this region.
“Large segments of the population in the remaining parts of the State, particularly eastern Uttar Pradesh and Bundelkhand, are themselves doing distress migration,” pointed out Lenin Raghuvanshi, a Varanasi-based social activist who works among Dalits and migrant labourers.
Census and National Sample Survey (NSS) data and studies based on them underscore Raghuvanshi‘s observation.
The State has figured consistently at the top in terms of net total out-migration. Census 2001 shows 2.6 million people had migrated from the State, a large majority of them in search of work. Again, like their Bihar counterparts, their migration is not focussed on geographically contiguous areas. A sizable percentage moved to Maharashtra, particularly Mumbai. NSS statistics also show that approximately 15 per cent of the households in Uttar Pradesh report remittances from migrant workers who are skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled.
According to Arvind Mohan, an economist associated with the University of Lucknow, migration from Uttar Pradesh is in many ways related to the larger socio-economic conditions that exist in different parts of the State. Agencies such as the Planning Commission have broadly divided the State into four parts, namely, eastern Uttar Pradesh, central Uttar Pradesh, western Uttar Pradesh and Bundelkhand. “For example, eastern Uttar Pradesh, which accounts for a sizable chunk of the migration from the State – by some informal estimates nearly 40 per cent – ranks high in terms of population and poverty. Close to 70 per cent of the landholdings in this region are non-economic in size. Naturally, productivity is abysmally low in these parts and holds no comparison with the national average.
In Bundelkhand, the last eight years have been marked by drought and, consequently, starvation and rural debt. The plight of the farmers here and suicides by them have been well recorded. It is from these regions that one witnesses migration to several urban centres, including Delhi and Mumbai,” Mohan pointed out.
In contrast, Mohan added, western Uttar Pradesh, which recorded more migration inwards than outwards, accounted for nearly 58 per cent of the total industrial investment in the State. The region has a flourishing agricultural sector. “Naturally one does not see the migration situation that one witnesses in the eastern region and Bundelkhand,” he said.
According to Ajit Kumar Singh, economist and director of the Giri Institute of Developmental Studies, the majority of the migrants from Uttar Pradesh are unskilled labourers. The migrants from eastern Uttar Pradesh include a significant section of semi-skilled labourers and a sizable number of them find jobs abroad, particularly in West Asian countries. “This cannot be termed as distress migration,” he said.
Several social activists and academics addressing the issue of socio-economic empowerment pointed out to Frontline the correlation between well-thought-out socio-economic programmes and the decrease in distress migration. The Kanpur-based political analyst Anil Kumar Verma told Frontline that the information coming from several parts of Uttar Pradesh was that empowerment schemes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGNREGS) had brought down distress migration.
“This is particularly true in the case of rural migration among women as the scheme has ensured up to 100 days of employment near their places of residence. In this situation, the men venture out to faraway areas for work, while women go to nearby places and do MGNREGS work.” Verma is also of the view that successive governments run by the Samajwadi Party (S.P.) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) have initiated programmes for various backward Class and Dalit communities and these, too, have brought down migration in small but noticeable numbers. “During the tenure of the BSP government, the distribution of land pattas among the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes was enhanced and the administration ensured that these communities got possession of and could cultivate land,” he said.
Verma added that these assessments were made essentially on the basis of field reports and that there were no empirical data to substantiate them. However, he is of the view that the impact of such programmes need to be studied and evaluated in greater detail to quantify how far they have brought down distress migration. There is an important lesson in this for all practitioners in the social, political and economic fields, he opined.
Venkitesh Ramakrishnan

Wednesday, September 05, 2012

Open letter to Member of Parliament

Dear Sir/Madam,

Greetings from PVCHR
 
I want to bring in your kind attention towards regarding appointment of women member in National Human Rights Commission (NHRC), New Delhi after the retirement of Shri P.C Sharma, former member NHRC. In the past, the NHRC had women members, namely, Justice Fathima Beevi (1993) and Justice Sujata Manohar (1999). At present, however, no woman sits as member of the NHRC.

Therefore it is a kind request to appoint women member from the disadvantage group or minority for achieving plurality and diversity among the commission. The process of appointment must be totally transparent and not restricted to only retired Judges or Chief Justices of the Supreme Court or to former bureaucrats – IAS, IPS, IFA, or IRS, etc., but must be expanded to include the great wealth of India’s moral, intelligent, and dedicated leaders. 
Thanking You 
 
Sincerely Yours
 
Lenin Raghuvanshi
Secretary General
Peoples' Vigilance Committee on Human Rights

Gwangju Human Rights Award – 2007
Association of Cultural Harmony in Asia (ACHA) Star Peace Award – 2008
Director of ACHA - Since 2009
International Human Rights Award of Weimar (Germany) - 2010
Sa 4/2 A Daulatpur, Varanasi - 221002
Mobile No: +91-9935599333
 

 

मानव अधिकार शिक्षा कार्यक्रम के अन्तर्गत विद्यालय के बच्चों एवं शिक्षकों में हुए सकारात्मक एवं गुणात्मक परिवर्तन का एक संक्षिप्त परिचय-


मानव अधिकार शिक्षा को विद्यालय में बाल भागीदारी एवं मैत्रिपूर्ण सामुहिक चर्चा परिचर्चा शिक्षा पद्वति के माध्यम से विद्यालय  एवं मदरसे के छात्र-छात्राओं के बीच विगत एक वर्ष से एक विषय के रूप में संचालित किये जाने के फलस्वरूप छात्र-छात्राओं में निम्नलिखित गुणात्मक परिवर्तन देखने को मिला। ये परिवर्तन छात्र मुल्यांकन प्रश्नावली एवं विद्यालय निरीक्षण के दौरान मानव अधिकार शिक्षा के कक्षा में मौखिक साक्षात्कार एवं विभिन्न पाठों पर परिचर्चा, संवाद, सामुहिक वार्तालाप के दौरान छात्रों ने अपने विचार के माध्यम से व्यक्त किये। जो अग्रलिखित है।

1. एक विषय के रूप में मानव अधिकार शिक्षा पढ़ने में छात्रों द्वारा विशेष रूचि प्रकट की गई।

2. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा को पढ़ने के बाद सभी विद्यालय के बच्चों में सामान्य मानव अधिकार विषय, मूल्य विचार एवं मानवीय व्यवहार का गुण देखने को मिला।

3. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा अध्ययन के पश्चात छात्रों में विभिन्न सामाजिक, राजनैतिक विषयों, समस्याओं, स्थितियों की बेहतर जानकारी एवं समझ विकसित हुई।

4. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा पढ़ने के बाद बच्चों में मानवीय मूल्य, गरिमा, सभी के साथ सम्मान का व्यवहार, बराबरी का अवसर, न्याय-बन्धुत्व, राष्ट्र के प्रति प्रेम की भावना का भी विकास हुआ।

5. बच्चों में शिक्षकों एवं अपनो से बड़ों का सम्मान, आदर्शवादिता एव ंसच बोलने का गुण देखने को मिला।

6. किसी समस्या पर तार्किक ढंग से सोचने एवं समझने का गुण एवं वैज्ञानिक दृष्टिकोण से अपनी बात को रखने का गुण विकसित हुआ।

7. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा पाठ्य पुस्तक में वर्णित विभिन्न अध्यायों एवं पाठों पर कक्षा में सामुहिक चर्चा, वाद-संवाद एवं विचार विमर्श के माध्यम से विभिन्न विषयों पर गहन समझ हुई।

8. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा को पढ़ने के बाद छात्रों में लैंगिक स्तर पर लड़के लड़कियों में भेद-भाव जैसी भावना समाप्त हुई। एक दूसरे से सहयोगात्मक एवं मित्रवत व्यवहार विकसित हुआ।

9. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा के अन्तर्गत संचालित विभिन्न शैक्षिक एवं गैर शैक्षिक गतिविधियों में छात्र-छात्राओं ने बढ़-चढ़ कर हिस्सा लिया एवं भागीदारी की।

10. विद्यालय स्तर पर बच्चों ने स्वयं पहल करते हुए दहेज, बाल विवाह एवं भ्रूण हत्या विषय पर सांस्कृतिक कार्यक्रम एवं अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय मानव अधिकार दिवस एवं बाल अधिकार दिवस को अपने विद्यालय में आयोजित किया।

11. अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय मानव अधिकार दिवस एवं बाल अधिकार दिवस के उपलक्ष्य में आयोजित लेख एवं चित्रकारी प्रतियोगिता में लगभग विभिन्न विद्यालय के 500 बच्चों ने भाग लिया।

12. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा कार्यक्रम के अन्तर्गत चयनित अतिवंचित, दलित एवं अल्पसंख्यक बहुल क्षेत्र के विद्यालयों एवं मदरसों के बच्चों ने विभिन्न समस्याओं, विषयों एवं मुद्दों पर निःसंकोच होकर अपने विचार को साझा किया।

13. विभिन्न विद्यालय के मानव अधिकार शिक्षकों ने अपने क्षेत्र की क्षेत्रिय एवं  किसी समस्या से पीडि़त महिला एवं पुरूष की व्यक्तिगत समस्याओं को भी सुलझाने के लिए एक मानव अधिकार कार्यकर्ता के रूप में  भूमिका निभाई।

14. मानव अधिकार विषय के अलावा शिक्षकों में अन्य सामाजिक,  राजनैतिक मुद्दों पर जागरूकता आई एवं उन्होंने अन्य सामाजिक कार्यक्रमों में भी बढ़-चढ़ कर हिस्सा लिया।

15. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा को बच्चों के बीच संचालित करने के दौरान शिक्षकों में भी अपने संवैधानिक अधिकारों एवं कानूनी विषय की बेहतर जानकारी एवं उन्हें व्यवहार में उतारने का ज्ञान प्राप्त हुआ।

16. शिक्षकों द्वारा मानव अधिकार शिक्षा को कक्षा में बच्चों को पढ़ाने के दौरान पाठ्य पुस्तक में लिखित अधिकांश प्रश्नों का सही एवं स्पष्ट उत्तर दिया गया।

17. मानव अधिकार शिक्षा के अन्तर्गत छात्र-छात्राओं में नेतृत्व करने की क्षमता, निर्णय लेने की क्षमता एवं अपने बातों को स्पष्ट ढंग से रखने का गुण भी विकसित हुआ।

18. विभिन्न सामुदायिक एवं क्षेत्रिय समस्याओं पर मानव अधिकार हनन के मुद्दे पर कई विद्यालय के बच्चों एवं शिक्षकों ने पहल करते हुए अपने अधिकार की लड़ाई लड़ी एवं विजयी हुए।

Tuesday, September 04, 2012

To bring the politics of survivors for strengthening the local processes against torture and organized violence

Mr. Goldy George highlighted to bring the politics of survivors for strengthening the local processes against torture and organized violence. He emphasized on breaking of silence and resilience of survivors through inculcating empowerment processes. Please read full report of National consultation:

http://www.rct.org/media/1500961/100673836-national-consultation-report.pdf

Monday, September 03, 2012

डेढ़ वर्षीय चंद्रशेखर, वजन 5 किलो 600 ग्राम अति गम्भीर कुपोषण ग्रस्त एवं सात वर्षीय मंदोदरी हिमोग्लोबि​न 3.6 (भाई-बहन) सहित रौंप ग्राम, जिला सोनभद्र निवासी बच्चों के कुपोषण के संदर्भ में

सेवामें,
                माननीयमुख्यमंत्री महोदय,
                उत्तरप्रदेश शासन,
                लखनऊ। 

विषय: डेढ़ वर्षीय चंद्रशेखर, वजन 5किलो 600 ग्राम अति गम्भीर कुपोषण ग्रस्त एवं सातवर्षीय मंदोदरी हिमोग्लोबिन 3.6 (भाई-बहन) सहितरौंप ग्राम, जिला सोनभद्र निवासी बच्चों के कुपोषण केसंदर्भ में।

महोदय,

डेढ़ वर्षीयचंद्रशेखर का वजन सिर्फ पांच किलो छः सौ ग्राम अति गम्भीर कुपोषण का शिकार है।चन्द्रशेखर का शरीर केवल हड्डियों का ढांचा है, हड्डियोंऔर चमड़ी के बीच मांस पूरी तरह गल चुका है, चमड़ीसूखी, चक्तेदार होकर झूल गयी है, एक आंख में सफेदझिल्ली पड़ गयी है। चन्द्रशेखर की सात वर्षीय बड़ी बहन मंदोदरी भी गम्भीर कुपोषणकी शिकार है। खून की जाँच में उनका हिमोग्लोबिन 3.6 है।

चन्द्रशेखर औरमंदोदरी की माँ बितनी उम्र लगभग 35 वर्ष रौंप ग्राम राबर्ट्सगंज जिलासोनभद्र उत्तर प्रदेश की रहने वाली है। बितनी अपने बच्चों के पालन पोषण के लिए काममिलने पर मजदूरी करती है, जब काम नही मिलता तब राबर्ट्सगंज बाजारके कालोनी में भीख मांगकर बच्चों का पेट भरती है। बितनी के पति शिवकुमार जबचन्द्रशेखर गर्भ में था तभी उसे छोड़कर गाँव की ही दूसरी लड़की के घर में उसके साथरहने लगा है और बितनी से झगड़ाकर अपनी झोपड़ी (घर) भी शिवकुमार ने गिरा दिया।जिसके बाद बितनी मजबूर होकर अपने वृद्ध पिता के साथ उनकी झोपड़ी में रह रही है।अंत्योदय राशन कार्ड जो शिवकुमार के नाम पर है उसे भी शिवकुमार ने सात हजार रुपयेपर गिरवी रख दिया है। बितनी को शिवकुमार से आठ (6 लड़केएवं 2 लड़कियाँ) बच्चों का जन्म हुआ, लेकिनगरीबी और पोषण के अभाव में 4 बच्चों (3 लड़केएवं 1 लड़की) की मृत्यु हो गयी। बितनी बहुत गरीबी और बेबसी में अपनेबच्चों को पूरा पोषण नही दे पाती, जिससे वे गम्भीर कुपोषण ग्रस्त हो गयेहै। बितनी तो उनके बचने की उम्मीद भी छोड़ चुकी थी।

सबसे छोटा बेटाचन्द्रशेखर भी मौत के मुँह पर खड़ा था ऐसे में मानवाधिकार जननिगरानी समिति केद्वारा इन दोनों बच्चों का 28 अगस्त, 2012 कोचिकित्सीय जाँच और इलाज वाराणसी के पाण्डेयपुर स्थित बाल रोग चिकित्सालय जैन हास्पिटलमें कराया गया। डाक्टर की सलाह पर मंदोदरी को 1 यूनिटखून भी चढ़ाया गया। जिसे समिति के डा0 राजीव सिंह ने दिया। चन्द्रशेखर भीचिकित्सकीय निगरानी में अस्पताल में भर्ती है।
विदित हो किरौंप ग्राम के घसिया आदिवासी कर्मा नृत्य के कलाकार परिवारों में पहले भी गम्भीरकुपोषण के कारण 18 बच्चों की मृत्यु हो गयी थी जिसके बाद यहाँबच्चों की देखभाल के लिए आंगनबाड़ी केन्द्र संचालित हुई लेकिन आंगनबाड़ीकार्यकर्ती भी बच्चों की जरूरत के अनुसार पोषण नही दे पाती। कुछ परिवारों के पासअन्त्योदय और बी0पी0एल0राशन कार्ड है लेकिन उन पर उपलब्ध राशन महीने भर पेट भरने के लिए पर्याप्त नही है।

आजिविका के लिएनियमित संसाधन नही होने के कारण आय का जरिया भी नियमित नही है। जिससे इन परिवारोंको बिमारी में इलाज के लिए, झोपड़ी चूने पर उसकी मरम्मत के लिए,लड़की की शादी आदि के लिए कर्ज लेकर खर्च संभालने को मजबूर हैं। रौंपग्राम के 90 घसिया परिवारों में 78परिवारों ने किसी न किसी बुनियादी जरूरत के लिए कर्ज लिया है। इसमें से आधे सेअधिक 45 परिवारों ने बिमारी में इलाज के लिए कर्ज लिया है। इन 45परिवारों में से 6 परिवार राशन कार्ड गिरवी रखकर अपना या अपनेपरिवार के सदस्यों का इलाज करा रहे है। इलाज के लिए ली गयी न्यूनतम रकम एक हजार सेलगभग पच्चीस हजार रुपये तक है। किन्तु कर्ज भी साहूकार या अन्य किसी से तभी मिलताहै जब कर्ज या सूद चुकाने की क्षमता हो या कर्ज के बदले कोई मूल्यवान वस्तु गिरवीरखी जाय।

पोषण के अभाव मेंपरिवार अधिक बीमार पड़ते है और बिमारी से निपटने के लिए झोलाछाप डाक्टरों या फिरझाड़-फूंक पर निर्भर हैं। टी0वी0, मलेरिया,टाइफाइड, सर्दी जुकाम, एनिमिया,डायरिया आदि जैसी बिमारी एवं प्रसव जिनका देखभाल एवं इलाज सरकारीअस्पतालों में निःशुल्क है। स्वास्थ्य कर्मीयों की उदासीनता और लापरवाही के कारणइन बिमारियों के इलाज के लिए वे दस प्रतिशत ब्याज पर कर्ज लेते है। जबकि रौंपग्राम से जिला संयुक्त चिकित्सालय केवल 1 किमी0की दूरी पर है और जिला मुख्यालय सिर्फ 2 किमी0पर स्थित है।
रौंप ग्राम मेंचन्द्रशेखर और मंदोदरी जैसे और कई बच्चें हैं, जिन्हेंसमय रहते पोषण और स्वास्थ्य देखभाल सेवाएं नही मिली तो वे भी अति गम्भीर कुपोषणग्रस्त होकर मृत्यु का शिकार हो सकते हैं। अतः निम्न उपाय अविलम्ब किये जानेचाहिये:-

1.      अतिगम्भीरअवस्था में कुपोषण ग्रस्त चन्द्रशेखर एवं मंदोदरी की माँ बितनी पत्नी शिवकुमार कोअविलम्ब भूख और कुपोषण से बचाव के लिए आकस्मिक पारिवारिक सहायता एक हजार रुपये (22दिसम्बर, 2004 मुख्य सचिव के निर्देशानुसार) दिया जाए।

2.       सर्वोच्चन्यायालय के मु0सं0 196 PUCL बनामभारत सरकार के आदेशानुसार एकल महिला/परिव्यक्ता महिला को अविलम्ब अंत्योदय राशनकार्ड दिया जाए, जिससे उसका खाद्य संकट से बचाव हो सके।

3.       बितनीका आजिविका के लिए जाॅब कार्ड बनाकर उसकी योग्यता क्षमता अनुसार काम दिया जाए।(ध्यान रहे कि बितनी का सबसे छोटा बच्चा चन्द्रशेखर डेढ़ वर्ष का ही है उसे माँ कीदेखभाल कि अधिक आवश्यकता है।)

4.       बितनीके पति शिवकुमार पर घरेलू महिला हिंसा कानून 2005 केअनुसार कानूनी कार्यवाही की जाए।

5.       चन्द्रशेखरएवं मंदोदरी दोनो बच्चों का भोजन अधिकार को सुनिश्चित करने के लिए माँ बितनी कोप्रशासन द्वारा अविलम्ब खाद्यान उपलब्ध कराया जाए।

6.       रौंपग्राम के घसिया नई बस्ती में संचालित आंगनबाड़ी केन्द्र एवं इस बस्ती के लिएनियुक्त ए0एन0एम0 के कार्यो कामूल्यांकन किया जाए।

7.       स्वास्थ्यविभाग द्वारा स्वास्थ्य कैम्प लगाकर सभी बच्चों, किशोरियोंएवं 18 से 45 वर्ष की सभी महिलाओं का विशेषज्ञ डाक्टरोंद्वारा स्वास्थ्य परीक्षण किया जाए।

8.       रौंपग्राम में नई बस्ती टोले के घसिया आदिवासी सभी परिवारों को राशन कार्ड एवं आवासयोजना से संतृप्त किया जाए।

9.       आजिविकाके संकट से बचाव के लिए मनरेगा में परिवारों को काम मुहैया कराया जाए।

संलग्‍नक :-
           1.      चन्‍द्रशेखर और मंदोदरी का फोटो।

भवदीया



(श्रुति)
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